We might reduce the entire question to one of judges. For the self-styled, capital "C" conservatives in the Republican Party, the issue of what judges has become paramount. McCain

It was hardly a Faustian bargain, but conservatives have regarded McCain with suspicion ever since. Whether this is justified, even from a radical conservative viewpoint (as opposed to a principled or pragmatic one) is up for debate. Whether it proves detrimental to McCain's bid for the presidency remains to be seen, but it seems fairly clear that the "base" of the republican party feels betrayed, left out in the cold, and most likely won't venture out to the polls this year, at least not in the numbers that they did when Karl Rove cajoled them to come out and vote for W.
Buried beneath this story of coalition building with in the two-party system is an extraordinary assumption: that judges truly are the most important officers in our republic. They have, of course, always been important. But is it so important that McCain has to send up signal flairs (Ted Olsen is his new best friend, e.g.) and drop a whole constituency come election time? Maybe so.
Historically, judges have wielded tremendous power, but not over the kinds of subjects that conservatives are now concerned with. First and foremost in the minds of today's religious conservatives are questions about the separation of church and state (establishment clause) and abortion. But these are not issues resolvable in the courts, regardless of the will of the justices or, for that matter, the original meaning of the Constitution.
The real question, it seems, is precisely what difference judges can make in everyday issues.
Throughout most of our history, judges have been conservative bulwarks against radical political change. This was true even when they were actively ruling in favor of corporate and industrial America's expansion and declaring trade unions illegal in the late-nineteenth century. It will doubtless remain true into the next century.
From this standpoint, McCain's position in the "Gang of 14" should not be a liability. It was an old fashioned conservative compromise, one that preserved the existing rules, took account of
minority views, and resisted the kind of radical shift in politics that might destabilize politics permanently.
Hardly a thing, in other words, that would upset true conservatives.
No comments:
Post a Comment